OUT OF THE BACKGROUND: CECILIA BEAUX AND THE ART OF PORTRAITURE

By Tara Leigh Tappert

copyright, 1994

End Notes

Notes to Preface

1 Henry McBride, "Cecilia Beaux Portraits in Retrospective Exhibition," New York Sun, November 23, 1935.

 

2 "Something About Cecilia Beaux," newspaper clipping, [1899], Cecilia Beaux Papers, Archives of American Art, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C. (hereafter cited as Beaux Papers, AAA).

 

3 "Famous Portrait Painter Gives Lecture on Color," The College News, Bryn Mawr College, (May 20, 1922): 2, Archives, Bryn Mawr College Library, Bryn Mawr, Pennsylvania.

 

4 "Who's Who in American Art," magazine article, Cecilia Beaux Papers, Archives, Corcoran Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C. (hereafter cited as CGA).

 

5 See "Twelve Greatest Women," New York Times (June 25, 1922: section 7, xx; "Here are 'Twelve Greatest Women in America'," newspaper clipping, March 23, 1931, Beaux Papers, AAA; Alice Booth, "America's Twelve Greatest Women -- Cecilia Beaux -- Who Has Given Back to the World Almost as Much Beauty as She Has Received From It," Good Housekeeping 93, no. 6 (December 1931): 34 - 35, 165 - 167.

 

6 Cecilia Beaux's response when she was awarded the American Academy of Arts and Letters Gold Medal in 1926. Edwin Blashfield files, Archives, American Academy of Arts and Letters, New York.

 

7 Catherine Drinker Bowen, Family Portrait (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1970), p. 204.

 

8 Beaux to Grandma Leavitt, December 15, 1888, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

9 "Cecilia Beaux, Artist, Her Home, Work and Ideals," Sunday Herald [Boston], September [23], 1910, Magazine Section, p. 7, Jesse Wilcox Smith Papers, Archives of American Art, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C.

 

10 Bowen, Family Portrait, p. 204.

 

Notes to Chapter One

1 Cecilia Beaux, Background with Figures (New York: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1930), p. 11.

 

2 The emotional development of a child from birth to age three must be considered in understanding the ensuing interpersonal dynamics between the two Beaux sisters. Etta, the older sister, was two-and-a-half years old when her younger sister was born and when her mother died. At this stage in life a child begins to develop "a more stable and complex sense of individuality." But Etta lost both her mother and her father during this phase of development and had to transfer her sense of identity and security to her grandmother and aunts. It is quite possible that Etta directed her sense of rage and blame over the loss of her parents toward her infant sister Leilie, and while Etta's early anger toward Leilie would not have been a part of her younger sister's conscious memory, Leilie's later decisions to not marry and to not have children, in part, may have stemmed from these early experiences with her sister. Furthermore, neither Leilie's mother nor her father participated in her "psychological birth," and what bonding she did experience was with her grandmother, a more distant connection. Leilie's earliest childhood experiences made Etta an extremely important and powerful person for her. Her sister was her only primary family tie, and she maintained a close connection to Etta and her family all her life.

For further information on the process of "psychological birth" and the affects of loss during this process, see Margaret S. Mahler, Fred Pine, and Anni Bergman, The Psychological Birth of the Human Infant (New York: Basic Books, 1975); N. Gregory Hamilton, Self and Others: Object Relations Theory in Practice (Northvale, N.J.: Jason Aronson Inc., 1990), pp. 35 - 57; Judith Viorst, Necessary Losses (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1986).

 

3 Henry S. Drinker, History of the Drinker Family (n.p.: privately printed, 1961), p. 64.

 

4 Beaux, Background with Figures, p. 8.

 

5 Cecilia Kent, the daughter of John Kent, a captain in the Connecticut militia during the Revolutionary War, was born in Suffield, Connecticut, September 13, 1798. John Wheeler Leavitt was born in Washington, Connecticut, in 1790 and came from a family that could trace its ancestry back to the early settlement of Dorchester, Massachusetts, in 1628. Drinker, History of the Drinker Family, pp. 64 - 65.

 

6 Newspaper clipping, Beaux/Drinker/Leavitt Family Papers, Cecilia Drinker Saltonstall (hereafter cited as the Beaux/Drinker/Leavitt Family Papers).

 

7 Beaux, Background with Figures, pp. 7 - 8.

 

8 Leavitt Family Bible, Cecilia Drinker Saltonstall.

 

9 Beaux, Background with Figures, p. 7; John W. Leavitt listing in Doggett's New York City Directory for 1847 - 1848 (New York: John Doggett, Jr., 1847) and Doggett's New York City Directory for 1851 - 1852 (New York: Doggett & Rode, 1851).

 

10 Leavitt Family Bible, Cecilia Drinker Saltonstall.

 

11 McElroy's Philadelphia City Directory for 1854 (Philadelphia: Edward C. and John Biddle, 1854).

 

12 McElroy's Philadelphia City Directory for 1855, 1856, 1957 (Philadelphia: Edward C. and John Biddle, 1855, 1856, 1857); The Philadelphia Merchants & Manufacturers Business Directory for 1856 - 1857 (Philadelphia: Griswold & Co., 1856).

 

13 McElroy's Philadelphia City Directory for 1858 (Philadelphia: Edward C. and John Biddle, 1858).

 

14 Philadelphia had a long history of silk manufacturing. The idea was first introduced by James Logan to the William Penn family in 1725. By the 1830s, Philadelphia was acknowledged as one of the major American centers for the industry, and silk produced in the city was known in France, where the Beaux family may have first learned of Philadelphia as a silk-manufacturing center. Philadelphia silk assayed for the Chamber of Commerce of Lyons was declared to be of "extraordinary quality, and admirably adapted to the uses of fabrication." In the 1850s, no more than five establishments were manufacturing silk in Philadelphia; but for none was it an exclusive business (McElroy's Philadelphia City Directory for 1859, 1860 [Philadelphia: Edward C. and John Biddle, 1859, 1860]; Edwin T. Freedley, Philadelphia and Its Manufacturers; a Handbook of the Great Manufactories and Representative Mercantile Houses of Philadelphia in 1867 [Philadelphia: Edward Young & Co., 1867], pp. 270 ff.; J. Thomas Scharf and Thompson Westcott, History of Philadelphia, 1609 - 1884, vol. 3 [Philadelphia: L. H. Everts & Co., 1884], pp. 2311 - 12).

 

15 Bowen, Family Portrait, pp. 137 - 38; Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

16 Beaux, Background with Figures, pp. 10 - 11.

 

17 Aimée Ernesta Drinker to Mrs. Bedford, April 10, [1902], correspondence, 1863 - 1968, letters dated by day and month only, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

18 Beaux, Background with Figures, p. 84.

 

19 Bowen, Family Portrait, pp. 136 - 37.

 

20 Beaux, Background with Figures, p. 12; Drinker, History of the Drinker Family, p. 64; Woodland Presbyterian Church Register, 1866 - 1883, Archives, Presbyterian Historical Society, Philadelphia.

 

21 Beaux, Background with Figures, p. 11.

 

22 Ibid., pp. 9 - 10; Bowen, Family Portrait, p. 138.

 

23 Beaux, Background with Figures, p. 9.

 

24 McElroy's Philadelphia City Directory for 1861 (Philadelphia: Edward C. and John Biddle, 1861).

 

25 Gopsill's Philadelphia City Directory 1873 (Philadelphia: James Gopsill, 1873).

 

26 Siblings bond because they have high access to one another, they need each other for meaningful personal identity, and because there is insufficient parental influence. In the case of the Beaux sisters, their circumstances activated a loyal acceptance and mutually dependent relationship, each drawing on the other's strength. While they acknowledged their differences, they always felt a need and care for each other (Stephen P. Bank and Michael D. Kahn, The Sibling Bond [New York: Basic Books, Inc., 1982], pp. 18 - 21, 96 - 99; Helene S. Arnstein, Brothers & Sisters/Sisters & Brothers [New York: E. P. Dutton, 1979], pp. 146 - 50).

 

27 Beaux, Background with Figures, p. 11.

 

28 Ibid., pp. 19 - 22.

 

29 Ibid., p. 11.

 

30 Ibid., pp. 23 - 24.

 

31 Bowen, Family Portrait, p. 135.

 

32 Beaux, Background with Figures, p. 41; letter from Galena Public Library, Galena, Illinois, November 5, 1973, Cecilia Drinker Saltonstall.

 

33 Cecilia Kent and John Leavitt were married on August 8, 1820. Their children were Cecilia Kent (Leavitt) Beaux (October 2, 1822 - May 12, 1855); Eliza Smith Leavitt (April 26, 1824 - August 29, 1906); John Wheeler Leavitt (January 28, 1827 - September 22, 1904); Sarah (Leavitt) Austin (February 27, 1829 - ?); Samuel Leavitt (January 6, 1831 - December 9, 1899); Frances Leavitt (January 28, 1834 - January 18, 1852); Charles Welford Leavitt (February 12, 1836 - February 16, 1904); Emily Austin (Leavitt) Biddle (July 5, 1838 - December 19, 1903). Family Portrait, research notes, box 10, Catherine Drinker Bowen Papers, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. (hereafter cited as Bowen Papers, LC); Leavitt Family Bible, Kent Saltonstall; Beaux diary, August 30, 1906, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

34 Beaux, Background with Figures, pp. 5 - 7.

 

35 Henry D. Biddle, Notes on the Genealogy of the Biddle Family (Philadelphia: privately printed, 1895), p. 35.

 

36 Arthur C. Bining, Pennsylvania's Iron and Steel Industry, Pennsylvania History Studies: no. 5 (Gettysburg, Pa.: The Pennsylvania Historical Association, 1954), p. 21.

 

37 Charles and Sarah Leavitt's second child, Emma Francenia, born December 16, 1864, began sharing an art studio with her older cousin Leilie when both young women were William Sartain's art students in the mid-1880s. Drinker, History of the Drinker Family, p. 64; Family Portrait, research notes, box 10, Bowen Papers, LC.

 

38 Family Portrait, research notes, box 10, Bowen Papers, LC; Beaux, Background with Figures, pp. 24 - 25.

 

39 Beaux, Background with Figures, pp. 24 - 25.

 

40 Ibid.; McElroy's Philadelphia City Directories for 1858 - 1863 (Philadelphia: Edward C. and John Biddle, 1858 - 1863).

 

41 McElroy's Philadelphia City Directories for 1863 - 1867 (Philadelphia: Edward C. and John Biddle, 1863 - 1867); Gopsill's Philadelphia City Directory, 1867 - 1868 (Philadelphia: James Gopsill, 1868).

 

42 Fanny (Frances) Leavitt had died in 1852, when she was seventeen years old, from an impure smallpox vaccination. Beaux, Background with Figures, p. 25; Family Portrait, research notes, box 10, Bowen Papers, LC.

 

43 Beaux, Background with Figures, pp. 29 - 30, 40; Bowen, Family Portrait, p. 139.

 

44 H.C.S., "Sketches of Philadelphia," Lippincott's Magazine 9 (May 1872): 510; Russell F. Weigley, ed., Philadelphia: A 300-Year History (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 1982), pp. 423 - 25; George Wilson, Yesterday's Philadelphia (Miami, Fla.: E. A. Seemann Publishing, Inc., 1975), p. 40.

 

45 1864 - 1867 -- 44th & Spruce; 1868 -- No listing; 1869 -- 4309 Spruce; 1870 - 1872 -- 4359 Spruce; 1873 -- 4305 Spruce. McElroy's Philadelphia City Directories for 1864 - 1866 (Philadelphia: Edward C. and John Biddle, 1864 - 1866); Gopsill's Philadelphia City Directories for 1867 - 1873 (Philadelphia: James Gopsill, 1867 - 1873); Family Portrait, research notes, box 10, Bowen Papers, LC.

 

46 Mary Brainerd Smith, A History of the Woodland Presbyterian Church of Philadelphia, 1865 - 1948 (Philadelphia: privately printed, [circa 1948]), pp. 7 - 8.

 

47 In the United States, Philadelphia was the birthplace of organized Presbyterianism and remained an important center for the Presbyterian Church. By the 1870s, the city had some sixty-eight Presbyterian churches, with one in thirty-six Philadelphians attending one of these churches (William P. White and William H. Scott, eds., The Presbyterian Church in Philadelphia -- A Camera and Pen Sketch of Each Presbyterian Church and Institution in the City [Philadelphia: Allen, Lane & Scott, 1895], pp. 5, 19; Alfred Nevin, History of the Presbytery of Philadelphia and of the Philadelphia Central [Philadelphia: U.S. Fortescue & Co., 1888]; Scharf and Westcott, History of Philadelphia, vol. 2, pp. 1262 - 99; Lefferts A. Loetscher, A Brief History of the Presbyterians, [4th ed.; Philadelphia: Westminister Press, 1983]).

 

48 Woodland Presbyterian Church Register, 1866 - 1883, Manuscript Collection, Presbyterian Historical Society, Philadelphia.

 

49 Other members of the family who belonged to the Woodland Presbyterian Church were Eliza S. Leavitt (March 1866); William F. Biddle (March 1871); Emily Biddle (March 1871); and Jean Adolphe Beaux (June 1873) (Woodland Presbyterian Church Register, 1866 - 1883; Year Book of the Woodland Presbyterian Church, 1911 - 1912, Manuscript Collection, Presbyterian Historical Society, Philadelphia; Smith, A History of the Woodland Presbyterian Church, pp. 15, 71).

 

50 Beaux, Background with Figures, pp. 33 - 34; Bining, Pennsylvania's Iron and Steel Industry, p. 21; Statistical Charts on the Iron Industry in Pennsylvania in 1850, Library Collection, Pennsylvania Historical Society, Philadelphia.

 

51 McElroy's Philadelphia City Directory for 1867 (Philadelphia: Edward C. and John Biddle, 1867).

 

52 Will Biddle is first listed at the same address as the Leavitts -- 4359 Spruce -- in the 1870 city directory (Gopsill's Philadelphia City Directory 1870 [Philadelphia: James Gopsill, 1870]).

 

53 Drinker, History of the Drinker Family, p. 69.

 

54 Beaux, Background with Figures, pp. 29, 33 - 34; Bowen, Family Portrait, pp. 139 - 42; Bining, Pennsylvania's Iron and Steel Industry, p. 21.

 

55 Beaux, Background with Figures, p. 29.

 

56 There are entries for Beaux in the Philadelphia city directory for 1873 - 1875 and 1879. He is listed as a clerk, and selling liquor and silk. There are three addresses -- in 1873 and 1874 he lived at 319 Garden; in 1875 he lived at 1920 Guardian; and in 1879 he lived at 1126 Vine (Gopsill's Philadelphia City Directory 1873 - 1875, and 1879 [Philadelphia: James Gopsill, 1873 - 1875] and [Philadelphia: Caxton Press of Sherman & Co., (1879)]).

 

57 For a discussion of what it means to be opposites in the sibling relationship, see Bank and Kahn, The Sibling Bond, pp. 68 - 72; Arnstein, Brothers & Sisters, pp. 34 - 41; Elizabeth Fishel, Sisters: Love and Rivalry Inside the Family and Beyond (New York: William Morrow and Company, Inc., 1979), pp. 149 - 209.

 

58 Bowen, Family Portrait, pp. 145 - 47.

 

59 Beaux diary, 1869 - 1870, Beaux Papers, AAA; Family Portrait, research notes, box 10, Bowen Papers, LC.

 

60 Ibid.

 

61 Judith Stein cites the work of sociologist Rela Monson, who found a positive correlation between female achievement and the all-female-sibling family noting that the first female sibling is more likely to marry and fulfill familial expectations, thus relieving some of the pressure to conform for the younger female who may be freer in her choice of lifestyle (Judith Stein, "Profile of Cecilia Beaux," The Feminist Art Journal 4, no. 4 [winter 1975 - 1976]: p. 31, n. 9).

 

62 Goulter and Minninger write that even an absent father has a profound effect on a daughter, particularly in their later relationships with other men. In their chapter on the lost father and yearning daughter, the authors discuss what happens when a father abandons a daughter. They note that one of the reasons a father leaves is that there is a serious lack of self-esteem that makes holding a job or overcoming problems exceptionally difficult. Such men feel useless as fathers. This may have been how Adolphe Beaux felt in the household of the Leavitt women. Goulter and Minninger continue by stating that daughters often idealize their absent fathers. Leilie did this when she created her romantic image of her father. The writers further explain that the daughter often becomes obsessed with trying to understand the father's reasons for leaving. She blames her own shortcomings, she struggles to earn his acceptance, or she desperately seeks a father surrogate. Leilie found a father surrogate in her Uncle Will Biddle; he gave her the nurturing and guidance that her father could not provide (Barbara Goulter and Joan Minninger, The Father-Daughter Dance: Insight, Inspiration, and Understanding for Every Woman and Her Father [New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1993], pp. 17 - 55).

Notes to Chapter Two

1 Beaux, Background with Figures, p. 25.

 

2 Ibid., p. 32.

 

3 Philadelphia was a city in which the art of music was "less cultivated than in any other part of the United States." The Quaker disapproval of music caused those Philadelphians with an interest in the art to organize music clubs, such as the Musical Fund Society, whose purpose was "the cultivation of taste and the proficiency of the musical art" (Scharf and Westcott, History of Philadelphia, vol. 2, pp. 1084, 1088 - 89; see also E. Digby Baltzell, Puritan Boston and Quaker Philadelphia: Two Protestant Ethics and the Spirit of Class Authority and Leadership [New York: The Free Press, 1979], pp. 319 - 21).

 

4 Family Portrait, research notes, box 10, Bowen Papers, LC.

 

5 Beaux, Background with Figures, p. 35.

 

6 Ibid., p. 33.

 

7 Ibid., p. 34.

 

8 Ibid., p. 31.

 

9 "Why expose [the child]," wrote Sigourney, "to the influences of evil? Why yield it to the excitement of promiscuous association, when it had a parent's house, where its innocence may be shielded, and its intellect aided to expand?" The mother at home as schoolmistress was seen as less of a menace to the status quo than was the socially conscious, lyceum-attending, intellectual woman of the day. And children safe at home, under the simple and limited tutelage of the mother, were protected from the influences of evil associates and ultra-democratic ideas (Anne L. Kuhn, The Mother's Role in Childhood Education: New England Concepts, 1830 - 1860 [New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1947], pp. 106 - 7; Merle Curti, The Social Ideas of American Educators [Paterson, N.J.: Pageant Books, Inc., 1959], p. 184).

 

10 Beaux to Mrs. Brown, February 9, 1939, correspondence between others than Bowen, Box 74, Bowen Papers, LC.

 

11 Beaux, Background with Figures, pp. 22 - 7, 29 - 30, 73, 75, Beaux and Emily Biddle to Adolphe Beaux, November 9, 1863, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

12 Bowen, Family Portrait, p. 204.

 

13 Drinker, History of the Drinker Family, p. 69.

 

14 Gopsill's Philadelphia City Directory 1869 (Philadelphia: James Gopsill, 1869).

 

15 In 1869 and 1870, the Lymans were in competition with such prominent Philadelphia academies as Eden Hall; the Academy of the Sacred Heart; the Chegary Institute, known as an excellent school for young ladies; and the Broad Street Academy, at 337 South Broad, just a few blocks from the Lymans' school. Still, the biggest competitor of the female academies was the Philadelphia Girls' Normal School, a public school in which girls competed academically in order to gain admission (James Pyle Wickersham, A History of Education in Pennsylvania, Private and Public, Elementary and Higher, from the Time the Swedes Settled on the Delaware to the Present Day [Lancaster, Pa.: Inquirer Publishing Company, 1886], pp. 446, 485; Scharf and Westcott, History of Philadelphia, vol. 3, pp. 1932 - 34, 1954 - 58; Gopsill's Philadelphia City Directory 1868 [Philadelphia: James Gopsill, 1868], pp. 1861 - 62).

 

16 Thomas Woody, A History of Women's Education in the United States, vol. 1 (New York: Octagon Books, Inc., 1966), pp. 393, 395 - 97.

 

17 Beaux, Background with Figures, p. 51.

 

18 Leilie was with the younger girls for Latin, arithmetic, and algebra; in French, English composition, and natural history she was with girls older than herself; and in American history with girls of her own age. Ibid., pp. 44 - 56.

 

19 Ibid., p. 35; Scharf and Westcott, History of Philadelphia, vol. 2, p. 1070.

 

20 Lippincott's Magazine ran a yearlong series of articles in 1872 on the private art collections of Philadelphia, describing in detail the collections of James Claghorn, Henry C. Gibson, Samuel Fales, Wilstach Gallery, A. E. Borie, J. Gillingham Fell, Thomas Scott, Henry Carey, and Fairman Rogers ("Private Art Collections of Philadelphia," Lippincott's Magazine 9, 10 [April - December 1872]).

 

21 Beaux, Background with Figures, p. 36.

 

22 "Private Art Collections of Philadelphia -- II. Mr. Henry C. Gibson's Gallery," Lippincott's Magazine 9 (May 1872): 571 - 72.

 

23 Beaux, Background with Figures, p. 14.

 

24 Ibid., p. 43.

 

25 The English artist James Duffield Harding (1797 - 1863) attained early recognition as a watercolorist, but his reputation and popularity grew out of his achievements as a drawing instructor and lithographer. Harding taught landscape painting -- his most famous student was John Ruskin, and he directed his students to study nature and its forms in order to learn an art of expression that would evoke in the spectator the artist's feelings for the landscape. For Harding, lithography was the indisputable medium for teaching the principles of landscape drawing.

 

The Winterthur Museum Library, Winterthur, Delaware owns seven different drawing books by James Duffield Harding, including The Principles and Practice of Art (1845); Elementary Art, or, The Use of the Chalk and Lead Pencil Advocated and Explained, 3rd ed. (1846); Lessons on Art, 11th ed. ([1885]); and The Guide and Companion to the "Lessons on Art" (1854). See also Christine Swenson, Charles Hullmandel and James Duffield Harding -- A Study of the English Art of Drawing on Stone, 1818 - 1850 (Northampton, Mass.: Smith College Museum of Art, 1982), pp. 12 - 13.

 

26 Beaux, Background with Figures, p. 44.

 

27 Ibid., p. 58; Gopsill's Philadelphia City Directory, 1874 (Philadelphia: James Gopsill, 1874).

 

28 Ibid., pp. 58 - 59.

 

29 Beaux made the mistake of thinking that this was the same Julien who was "manager of the Paris 'Cours'" (ibid., p. 59). In fact, this was the French artist Bernard-Romaine Julien (1802 - 1871), who published several series of lithographic studies for use as copy work for beginners. See Lois Fink, "Elizabeth Nourse: Painting the Motif of Humanity," in Mary Alice Heekin Burke, Elizabeth Nourse, 1859 - 1938: A Salon Career (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1983), p. 91. For biographical information on Bernard-Romaine Julien, see entries in E. Benezit, Dictionnaire Critique et Documentaire des Peintres, Sculpteurs, Dessinateurs et Graveurs, vol. 5 (Paris: Librarie Grund, 1956), p. 194; Hans Vollmer, ed., Thieme-Becker Allgeimeines Lexikon der Bildenden Künstler, vol. 19 (Leipzig: Verlag Von E. A. Seemann, 1926), pp. 305 - 6. Five drawing books by Julien are listed in the Science and Art Department of the Committee of Council on Education, South Kensington, The First Proofs of the Universal Catalogue of Books on Art, vol. 1 (London: Chapman & Hall, 1870), p. 963.

 

30 Henry Sturgis Drinker, Autobiography of Henry Sturgis Drinker (n.p.: privately printed, 1931), p. 5.

 

31 Sandwith Drinker married Susanna Budd Shober on March 17, 1840. They had four children: Catharine Ann (May 1, 1841 - July 19, 1922); Robert Morton (1845 - 1890); Henry Sturgis (November 8, 1850 - July 27, 1937); and Elizabeth Kearney (1853 - 1916). Drinker, History of the Drinker Family, n.p.; Drinker, Autobiography of Henry Sturgis Drinker, pp. 6 - 9; Dictionary of American Biography, vol. 5 (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1932), p. 613 (hereafter cited as DAB); Who's Who in America, vol. 1 (Chicago: Marquis, 1966), p. 340.

 

32 Drinker's wife Susanna, his mother-in-law Catherine Ann Shober, his children Catharine Ann and Robert Morton, their servant Sally Cooper, and the family piano all arrived in China in January of 1850 (Drinker, Autobiography of Henry Sturgis Drinker, pp. 7, 9; Bowen, Family Portrait, pp. 152, 155, 157).

 

33 DAB, vol. 5, p. 613; Catherine Drinker Bowen to Colette Adam, April 16, 1971, family correspondence, "A" miscellany, box 1, Bowen Papers, LC; Caroline Hazard, "Mrs. Janvier's Varied Life," New York Times, Sunday, October 1, 1922, sec. 8, p. xx; Bowen, Family Portrait, pp. 156 - 58.

 

34 Oliver Statler notes that dysentery struck down many foreigners on the China coast (Statler, Shimoda Story [New York: Random House, 1969], p. 549). For further information on the Drinkers' experiences in China, see Bowen, Family Portrait, pp. 152 - 59; Drinker, Autobiography of Henry Sturgis Drinker, pp. 7 - 11.

 

35 New York Times, October 18, 1858, Henry Middleton Drinker, Philadelphia; report from Mrs. Drinker's Academy for Young Ladies, Sandwith Drinker Papers, vol. 6, folder 3, case 26, Pennsylvania Historical Society, Philadelphia; Drinker, Autobiography of Henry Sturgis Drinker, p. 11.

 

36 Drinker, Autobiography of Henry Sturgis Drinker, p. 18; Gopsill's Philadelphia City Directory for 1867 (Philadelphia: James Gopsill, 1867).

 

37 Verification from the Maryland Institute is impossible, because few records survived a school fire from 1904. Nothing has survived from the 1860s when Catharine Drinker was a student there. Paula Axilrod to the author, March 31, 1986; DAB, vol. 5, p. 613; Woods' Baltimore City Directory, Ending Year 1860 (Baltimore, Md.: John B. Woods, 1860).

 

38 Christine Jones Huber, The Pennsylvania Academy and Its Women, 1850 to 1920 (Philadelphia: Pennsylvania Academy of the Fine Arts [hereafter cited as PAFA], 1973), pp. 19, 21 - 22; Mantle Fielding's Dictionary of American Painters, Sculptors & Engravers (Poughkeepsie, N.Y.: Apollo Books, 1983), p. 479.

 

39 Beaux, Background with Figures, p. 71; Huber, The Pennsylvania Academy and Its Women, p. 21.

 

40 For a list of known work by Catharine Ann Drinker, see Tara L. Tappert, "Choices -- The Life and Career of Cecilia Beaux: A Professional Biography" (Ph.D. diss., George Washington University, 1990), pp. 446 - 48.

 

41 Hazard, "Mrs. Janvier's Varied Life," sec. 8, p. xx.

 

42 "Our Working Women -- Their Progress in Art," newspaper clipping, Emily Sartain file, Moore College of Art, Philadelphia.

 

43 Louisville Industrial Exposition, Catalogue of Paintings and Statuary, in the pre-1877 Art Exhibition Catalogue Index, National Museum of American Art, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C. (hereafter cited as NMAA); Huber, The Pennsylvania Academy and Its Women, p. 23; DAB, vol. 5, p. 613.

 

44 Drinker, Autobiography of Henry Sturgis Drinker, p. 6.

 

45 Benezit, Dictionnaire des Peintres, vol. 10, p. 726; Vollmer, Thieme-Becker, vol. 35, p. 534; Gopsill's Philadelphia City Directories for 1868 and 1869 (Philadelphia: James Gopsill, 1868, 1869).

 

46 Beaux, Background with Figures, p. 64; "An Employment for Young Ladies," Godey's Lady's Book and Magazine 80, no. 477 (March 1870): 287.

 

47 "An Employment for Young Ladies," p. 287.

 

48 Beaux, Background with Figures, pp. 64 - 69.

 

49 Eight or nine of Beaux's sketchbooks, as well as a number of loose sketches from the mid-1870s through the mid-1880s, survive. In 1985 the Alfred J. Walker Fine Art Gallery in Boston made a facsimile of an 1883 sketchbook and then sold the individual sketches; Walker also owns another four or five sketchbooks and has been selling the individual sketches since 1990; Dr. Michael Kraynick owns one sketchbook; Edwin Taggart owns one sketchbook; and the PAFA owns a number of loose sketches.

 

50 Beaux, Background with Figures, pp. 69 - 70.

 

51 These early manuals, both American and imported English, followed a highly structured system of drawing based on the theory that lines were the essence of form. Furthermore, the aesthetic system of Sir Joshua Reynolds often served as the principal artistic guideline for these manuals. Peter C. Marzio notes that 145 how-to-draw manuals were published in the United States between 1820 and 1860. See Marzio, The Art Crusade: An Analysis of American Drawing Manuals, 1820 - 1860, Smithsonian Studies in History and Technology, no. 34 (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1976), unpaginated; Diana Korzenik, Drawn to Art: A Nineteenth Century American Dream (Hanover, N.H.: University Press of New England, 1985), pp. 37 - 53; Beaux, Background with Figures, pp. 43, 181.

 

52 Nikolaus Pevsner notes that European academies often considered drawing to be an important part of the curriculum, while a number of art schools required future artists to first pass through general drawing classes before gradually making their way to the antique class, and from there to life drawing. See Pevsner, Academies of Art, Past and Present (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1940), pp. 227, 229.

 

53 Beaux, Background with Figures, pp. 70, 71; Benezit, Dictionnaire des Peintres, vol. 10, p. 726; Vollmer, Thieme-Becker, vol. 35, p. 534.

 

Notes to Chapter Three

1 Beaux, Background with Figures, p. 84.

 

2 Ibid., p. 71; Weltha L. Sanford is listed as a teacher in Gopsill's Philadelphia City Directory, 1874 (Philadelphia: James Gopsill, 1874).

 

3 Miss Sanford's school opened in Philadelphia in 1857 and continued until 1891. Gertrude Bosler Biddle and Sarah Dickinson Lowrie, eds., Notable Women of Pennsylvania (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1942), p. 170.

 

4 Beaux, Background with Figures, p. 71. While Beaux recorded her teaching experiences at Miss Sanford's School in her autobiography, one of her account books reveals that she also taught a class for a Mrs. Field. Account book, 1879 - 1884, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

5 Bowen, Family Portrait, p. 160; Beaux, Background with Figures, p. 71.

 

6 Beaux, Background with Figures, p. 72.

 

7 Ibid., pp. 72 - 73; Beaux diary, 1875, and account book, 1879 - 1884, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

8 Beaux, Background with Figures, p. 75.

 

9 Peter C. Marzio stated that four companies ruled the early existence of chromolithography in Philadelphia: Thomas Sinclair, Peter S. Duval, Wagner and McGuigan, and L. N. Rosenthal. These firms controlled half the presses, printers, and artists working in Philadelphia's lithographic trade in the 1850s (Marzio, The Democratic Art: Chromolithography 1840 - 1900, Pictures for a 19th Century America [Boston: David R. Godine, 1979], pp. 23, 32).

 

10 Thomas Sinclair was a vestryman at the Woodland Presbyterian Church, and in 1888 Cecilia's aunt Eliza Leavitt worked with Mrs. Thomas Sinclair on the church's Home Missions Society. In 1892, Beaux made a pastel of Mrs. Sinclair (PAFA, The Paintings and Drawings of Cecilia Beaux [Philadelphia: PAFA, 1955], p. 96; Smith, A History of the Woodland Presbyterian Church, p. 71).

 

11 Beaux, Background with Figures, pp. 75 - 76.

 

12 Ibid., p. 76.

 

13 Thomas A. Janvier, "'The Brighton Cats,' Lithograph by Miss E. C. Beaux," Philadelphia Press, December 1, 1874, in Beaux scrapbook, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

14 When Bowen wrote Family Portrait, she received fan mail that described the impact of her aunt's work. One woman wrote that "'the 2 sleepy cats' for years hung over my bed at "Homesley" in So. Car." Mrs. William F. Clewe to Catherine Drinker Bowen, fan mail -- undated, box 9, Bowen Papers, LC.

 

15 As early as the seventeenth century, women such as the German artist Maria Sibylla Merian worked as scientific illustrators. Merian's best-known work, Metamorphosis Insectorum Surinamsium (1705) is a plate book of insects from the Dutch colony of Surinam. By the late eighteenth century, flower painting had become a common genre for women artists, and by the 1830s American women were beginning to be hired as the scientific artists for various state and national geological reports. Historian Michele Aldrich lists ten women, including Beaux, who did scientific illustration for various geological surveys in the nineteenth century. Beaux had a Philadelphia predecessor for scientific illustration in Sarah A. Campbell, a woman who listed herself in the Philadelphia Street Directory as a "map colorist" from 1846 to 1860 (Ann Sutherland Harris and Linda Nochlin, Women Artists, 1550 - 1950 [New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1979], pp. 152 - 55; Rozsika Parker and Griselda Pollock, Old Mistresses: Women, Art and Ideology [New York: Pantheon Books, 1981], pp. 50 - 58; Michele L. Aldrich, "Women in Geology," in G. Kass-Simon and Patricia Farnes, eds., Women of Science: Righting the Record [Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1989], pp. 43 - 44; Michele L. Aldrich, "Women in Paleontology in the United States, 1840 - 1960" Earth Sciences History 1, no. 1 [1982]: 14, 16).

 

16 For biographical information on Edward Drinker Cope see Urless Lanham, The Bone Hunters (New York: Columbia University Press, 1973); Frank Willing Leach, "Genealogies of Old Philadelphia Families -- Cope Family," The North American (Philadelphia), Sunday, April 13, 1913, p. 67; Henry Fairfield Osborn, Cope: Master Naturalist -- The Life and Letters of Edward Drinker Cope (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1931); Henry Fairfield Osborn, Impressions of Great Naturalists (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1929); Robert Plate, The Dinosaur Hunters: Othniel C. Marsh and Edward D. Cope (New York: David McKay Co., Inc., 1964); Elizabeth Noble Shor, The Fossil Feud between E. D. Cope and O. C. Marsh (Hicksville, N.Y.: Exposition Press, 1974).

 

17 Beaux, Background with Figures, p. 76.

 

18 E. C. Beaux, Plate I, "Cionondon Arctatus," in Ferdinand V. Hayden, Report of the United States Geological Survey of the Territories, vol. 2, Department of the Interior (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1875).

 

19 Beaux, Background with Figures, p. 79; Beaux diary, 1875, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

20 Beaux diary, 1875, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

21 Ibid.

 

22 Ibid.

 

23 Composition book, 1868, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

24 Beaux, Background with Figures, p. 83.

 

25 Ibid., p. 77.

 

26 Ibid., pp. 77, 79.

 

27 Other work that Beaux did for Cope and the Sinclairs included "a fragment of a jaw with teeth", "the head of an extinct ass [with]...canine teeth", the skull of a small camel, "shell and landscapes", and "portraits." She also did lithographs for Professor Peter Lesley, the father of her friend Margaret Lesley Bush-Brown (Ibid., pp. 77, 79 - 80, 81 - 82; Beaux diary, 1875, Beaux Papers, AAA.; Family Portrait, research notes, box 10, Bowen Papers, LC).

 

28 Beaux, Background with Figures, p. 77.

 

29 Ibid., p. 80.

 

30 Camille Piton, China Painting in America, vols. 1 and 2, trans. C. A. (Drinker) Janvier, (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1879). Catharine's translation of Piton's book may also have inspired her book on ceramics (Catharine A. Janvier, Practical Keramics for Students [New York: Henry Holt and Co., 1880]).

 

31 Beaux, Background with Figures, p. 84; John Foster Kirk, A Supplement to Allibone's Critical Dictionary of English Literature and British and American Authors, vol. 2 (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott Company, 1891), p. 1238; Camille Piton, A Practical Treatise on China Painting in America (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1878) n.p.; Benezit, Dictionnaire des Peintres, vol. 8, p. 367; account book, 1879 - 1884, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

32 Beaux, Background with Figures, pp. 84 - 85.

 

33 Ibid., p. 85.

 

34 John A. Kouwenhoven to the author, August 20, 1984.

 

35 Philadelphia Museum of Art, Philadelphia: Three Centuries of American Art (Philadelphia: Philadelphia Museum of Art, 1976), p. 427. Other early work in which Beaux used rhododendron include Rhododendron (circa 1882), exhibited at the fifty-third Annual Exhibition at the Pennsylvania Academy, 1882; and Jeannie Van Ingen (1885). Exhibition records, PAFA; The Paintings and Drawings of Cecilia Beaux, p. 103.

 

36 A portrait of a child on a china plate made for Mrs. George Burnham of Philadelphia was exhibited in 1881 at the fifty-second Annual Exhibition at the Pennsylvania Academy. Exhibition records, PAFA.

 

37 Beaux, Background with Figures, pp. 84, 85.

 

38 The role of the 1876 Philadelphia Centennial Exposition in popularizing china painting in America is discussed in Alice Cooney Frelinghuysen, "Aesthetic Forms in Ceramics and Glass" in In Pursuit of Beauty: Americans and the Aesthetic Movement (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art -- Rizzoli, 1986), pp. 198 - 251; Cynthia A. Brandimarte, "Somebody's Aunt and Nobody's Mother -- The American China Painter and Her Work, 1870 - 1920," Winterthur Portfolio 23, no. 4 (Winter 1988); Kirsten Hoving Keen, American Art Pottery, 1875 - 1930 (Wilmington, Del.: Delaware Art Museum, 1978); Paul Evans, Art Pottery of the United States: An Encyclopedia of Producers and Their Marks (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1974); Sharon S. Darling, Chicago Ceramics & Glass (Chicago: Chicago Historical Society, 1979); The Ladies, God Bless 'Em: The Women's Art Movement in Cincinnati in the Nineteenth Century (Cincinnati, Ohio: Cincinnati Art Museum, 1976); Robert Judson Clark, The Arts and Crafts Movement in America, 1876 - 1916 (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1972); Edwin Atlee Barber, The Pottery and Porcelain of the United States: Marks of American Pottery, 2nd edition (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1902).

 

39 Beaux also could have consulted Susan S. Frackelton, Tried by Fire (New York: D. Appelton and Company, 1885); M. Louise McLaughlin, China Painting: A Practical Manual for the Use of Amateurs in the Decoration of Hand Porcelain (Cincinnati, Ohio: Steward & Kidd Company, 1877); George Ward Nichols, Pottery: How It Is Made, Its Shape and Decoration (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1878); James C. Beard, Painting on China (New York: Dick & Fitzgerald, Publishers, 1882); Florence Lewis, China Painting (New York: Cassell & Company, Ltd., 1883).

 

40 Beaux, Background with Figures, p. 85.

 

41 By the 1860s, artists were consistently relying on photographs to help them with their work. See Van Deren Coke, The Painter and the Photograph: From Delacroix to Warhol (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1964); Delores Ann Kilgo, The Sharp-Focus Vision: The Daguerreotype and the American Painter (Ph.D. diss., University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign (Ann Arbor: University Microfilms International, 1982); George Cochran Lambdin, 1830 - 1896 (Chadds Ford, Pa.: Brandywine River Museum, 1986); Aaron Scharf, Art and Photography (Baltimore: Allen Lane, the Penguin Press, 1969); Martha J. Hoppin, "William Morris Hunt: Portraits from Photographs," American Art Journal 11, no. 2 (April 1979): 44.

 

42 Preston Wright, "Fellow Student Saw Greatness of Talent of Cecilia Beaux, Who Soon Was Honored by Paris Salon," Pilot (Norfolk, Virginia), July 25, 1926, Scrapbook, Archives, American Academy of Arts and Letters, New York.

 

43 In the nineteenth century, photographic terms were often inexact and frequently changed meaning over time. According to Floyd and Marian Rinhart, during the daguerrian period, beginning in 1849, a "crayon portrait" was a photographic technique in which the photographer somewhat softened the realism of the photograph by blending the outline of the subject into the background and creating a bust effect, which eliminated costume details and brought the face into relief. This type of hand coloring of portrait photographs had become quite popular by the 1860s, and such contemporaries as Mr. E. Long Quincy III wrote that the finishing touches are what give, in a measure life and beauty to a portrait.... With the crayon strengthen the corners of the eyes and mouth, the nostrils, the deepest shadows of the hair and drapery. Blend the hair and background together, allowing a few stray hairs to find their way out over the background, curl over the forehead or anywhere they are needed; this relieves the cut-out appearance which pictures are apt to have, unless care is taken to prevent it. Strengthen shadows in drapery, high lights on collars and laces, blend all sharp lines and give clearness to any places which may have become rubbed, and be sure that there are no spots nor specks to mar the soft surface of the work. All these little touches greatly enhance the artistic value of the picture (Beaux, Background with Figures, p. 85; Floyd and Marian Rinhart, The American Daguerreotype [Athens, Ga.: University of Georgia Press, 1981], p. 253; Bernard E. Jones, ed., Encyclopedia of Photography [New York: Arno Press, 1974], p. 152; "Crayon Portraits on Solar Prints," The Philadelphia Photographer 20, no. 231 [March 1883]: 86 - 87; John L. Gihon, "Gihon on Crayon Portraits," The Philadelphia Photographer 23, no. 275 [June 5, 1886]: 346).

 

44 Allison Gray, "The Extraordinary Career of Cecilia Beaux," American Magazine 96 (October 1923): 62; Beaux, Background with Figures, p. 85.

 

45 Beaux was paid $9 for the poem and drawing (Family Portrait, research notes, box 10, Bowen Papers, LC).

 

46 Cecilia Beaux, "Uncle John's Coat," St. Nicholas, An Illustrated Magazine for Young Folk 12, part 1 (January 1885): 203.

 

47 Mervyn Ruggles, "Painting on a Photographic Base," Journal of the American Institute for Conservation 24, no. 2 (Spring 1985): 92 - 103.

 

48 Cox and Beaux make an interesting comparison, as they both produced "society" portraits and participated in the New York literary and cultural circles of Richard Watson Gilder. In the 1890s both artists worked for Century Magazine. For biographical information on George C. Cox, see Ida M. Tarbell, "A Great Photographer," McClure's Magazine 9, no. 1 (May 1897): 558 - 64; Michael E. Landren, "George C. Cox: Whitman's Photographer," Walt Whitman Review 9, no. 1 (March 1963): 11 - 15.

 

49 After the Civil War, under the influence of a new generation of studio photographers such as Napoleon Sarony and José Maria Mora, ornate, or at least visually busy, backgrounds became the convention. While some daguerreotypists did use backgrounds or furniture as an integral element of their compositions, the typical portrait, from the 1840s to the 1860s, was posed in a non-specific, neutral space, literally in a spatial void. Cox's portraits, and Beaux's work, based on the same traditions, were therefore quite reactionary in style, but also quite good (Will Stapp to the author, April 1, 1987).

 

50 Fanny's yellow sash was purchased at a yard-goods store by Beaux and Fanny's mother, and it added a color note to the portrait. As Fanny sat for the painting, her mother read her fairy tales. Fanny thought that Cecilia was "lovely in every way," and recalled during her sittings that Beaux would take breaks and eat graham crackers and rest on the floor (Ruth Seltzer, "Portrait at 10 is Revisited at Beaux Exhibit," Philadelphia Inquirer [October 2, 1974]: 2B; Richard V. Sabatini, "Fanny T. Cochran: Crusader was 100," Philadelphia Inquirer [June 18, 1977]; and letter from Fanny T. Cochran to Mrs. Gray, received July 27, 1970, in Fanny Travis Cochran, Registrar's file, PAFA).

 

51 Philadelphia Evening Telegraph, March 1888, Beaux scrapbook, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

52 As expressed through art and photography, Kildegaard deals with the commemorative mourning image in Victorian culture. He points out that "mourning culture" during the Victorian period received an absolute boon with the death of Great Britain's Prince Albert in 1861. Albert's deathbed scene was communicated all over the Continent, as well as throughout the United States. The visual response to his death included pictures that dealt with disruption within the family and commemorative photographs and portraits of loved ones (Bjarne Kildegaard, "Unlimited Memory -- Photography and the Differentiation of Familial Intimacy," Ethnologia Scandinavica: A Journal for Nordic Ethnology [1985]: 85).

 

53 Hoppin, "William Morris Hunt: Portraits from Photographs," p. 54. The Paintings and Drawings of Cecilia Beaux, pp. 15 - 16, 103.

 

55 Sir Thomas Malory's account of the Arthurian legends in Le Morte d'Arthur was popularized in the nineteenth century by Tennyson's Idylls of the King. See Sir Paul Harvey, The Oxford Companion to English Literature (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1969), p. 265; Quest for Unity: American Art Between World Fairs 1876 - 1893 (Detroit: Detroit Institute of Art, 1983), p. 62; Alfred Trumble, Representative Works of Contemporary American Artists (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1887), n.p.

 

56 The Inventory of American Paintings, NMAA, lists Elaine paintings by Sophie Anderson (1870); Thomas Hovenden (1882); William Morris Hunt (circa 1873/1874); and Tobias Edward Rosenthal (1874).

 

57 Rosenthal's Elaine was first exhibited in San Francisco. It was stolen but was later returned to Snow and May's Art Gallery. The theft and return made the subject a household word. "Elaine" clubs were organized overnight; music stores sold hundreds of copies of "The Elaine Waltz," and the demand for Tennyson's Idylls of the King skyrocketed. Quest for Unity, pp. 62 - 63.

 

58 Exhibition records, PAFA.

 

59 Account book, 1879 - 1884, Beaux Papers, AAA.; Louisville Industrial Exposition, Catalogue of Paintings and Statuary (Louisville, Ky.: Courier Journal Book and Job Printing Rooms, 1880) in the Pre-1877 Art Exhibition Catalogue Index, NMAA.

 

60 Beaux, Background with Figures, p. 62.

 

61 Janvier worked as a journalist for the Philadelphia Times, the Evening Bulletin, and the Press. DAB, vol. 5, p. 615.

 

62 Beaux, Background with Figures, p. 59.

 

63 Bowen, Family Portrait, p. 150.

 

64 Beaux, Background with Figures, p. 59; Drinker Family Papers, box 75, Bowen Papers, LC; DAB, vol. 5, p. 613; Who's Who in America, vol. 7, p. 1097.

 

65 In 1880, Catharine took a new studio at 1420 Chestnut Street. But the next year she moved back to Pine Street with her Grandmother Shober, remaining there from 1881 to 1884 while her husband Thomas traveled as a journalist in Colorado, New Mexico, Mexico, and Central America, collecting material for short stories and sketches. Later, when her writing career was established, Catharine expressed regrets about setting aside her painting and lithography. In letters to Eugenie Heller, a young Cincinnati artist, Janvier noted that "I have had nothing to do with painting, I regret to say, all my work has been writing. There is a nice studio near here with good models.... I may begin again, but it is doubtful." But she later wrote, "I have been painting a good deal lately with more or less success." Although she made occasional forays back to the world of painting, her accomplishments were principally in the literary sphere. Her translations included three books by French author Félix Gras, The Reds of the Midi (1896), Terror (1898), and The White Terror (1899). Her own publications included the London Mews (1904), a picture-book about cats, with verse; and an essay in Harper's Magazine, 123, no. 738, entitled "Cocoon-Husking in Provence," (November 1911): 889 - 93. C. A. Janvier to E. Heller, May 6, 1898, and C. A. Janvier to E. Heller, December 29, 1898, Catharine A. Janvier, Eugenie Heller Papers, New York Public Library, Manuscripts and Archives Division, New York City; DAB, vol. 5, p. 614 - 15; Gopsill's Philadelphia City Directories for 1880, 1881, 1882, 1883 (Philadelphia: James Gopsill, 1880, 1881, 1882, 1883).

 

66 This is the earliest incident of Cecilia Beaux attracting a young man only to reject him when he got too close (Bowen, Family Portrait, p. 135).

 

67 Drinker, Autobiography of Henry Sturgis Drinker, p. 6; Beaux, Background with Figures, p. 86; Bowen, Family Portrait, p. 164.

 

68 The industrial art education movement developed out of the British Aesthetic movement, a reform impulse of the 1850s and 1860s, and came to fruition in the United States at the Philadelphia Centennial Exposition of 1876. It was centered in the design arts, and was intended to provide opportunities for middle-class women to move into the wage-earning labor force. See Roger Stein, "Artifact as Ideology: The Aesthetic Movement in Its American Cultural Context" in In Pursuit of Beauty, pp. 23 - 51.

 

69 "Of the thirty-eight schools for art instruction, reported in 1880, there were seven that had been founded by women, and nine were especially for women. Most of them were open to women as well as men," (Woody, A History of Women's Education in the United States, vol. 2, p. 78). The following is a list of selected design schools in operation in the 1870s: Boston Normal Art School (1879), Cooper Institute School of Design for Women, New York; Lowell Free School of Industrial Design (1850); New England School of Design for Women (1853); University of Cincinnati, School of Design; Worcester County Free Institute, Massachusetts (George Ward Nichols, Art Education Applied to Industry [New York: Harper & Brother, 1877], pp. 129 - 30; Walter Smith, Art Education, Scholastic and Industrial [Boston: James R. Osgood and Company, 1872], pp. 110 - 16).

 

70 Scharf and Westcott, History of Philadelphia, vol. 2, p. 1698; Theodore C. Knauff, An Experiment in Training for the Useful and the Beautiful (Philadelphia: Philadelphia School of Design for Women, 1922), p. 5; Woody, A History of Women's Education in the United States, vol. 2, p. 77; Nichols, Art Education Applied to Industry, p. 129; Smith, Art Education, pp. 111 - 12.

 

71 Diane Korzenik argues that up until the latter half of the nineteenth century, art training had been primarily a private affair, and talent was regarded as the scarce but crucial asset in becoming an artist. Public art education became possible when the idea of talent was disposed of, freeing all who studied art to begin to acquire skill. Unfortunately, at the very time the possibility was opened up for everyone to study art, the kind of art offered to the poorer classes generally, and to women particularly, was different from that offered to the more privileged, and to men (Korzenik, Drawn to Art, p. 131).

 

72 Harris and Nochlin, Women Artists, pp. 55 - 56.

 

73 Mary Livermore, "What Shall We Do With Our Daughters?" (1883), and Mason, "Work for Women," quoted in Woody, A History of Women's Education in the United States, vol. 2, p. 79; George J. Manson, "Work for Women in Photography," The Philadelphia Photographer 20, no. 230 (February 1883): 36.

 

74 Emily would draw next to Cecilia, and Eliza painted a large order of sachets (Beaux diary, 1875, Beaux Papers, AAA; Bowen, Family Portrait, p. 161).

 

75 In one instance, Cecilia spent several days making a drawing of dogs for a friend named Annie. When Annie sent a note thanking Cecilia for the drawing, but did not include payment, her family was "outraged." Cecilia, on the other hand, remarked, "I am glad it is as it is" (Beaux diary, 1875, Beaux Papers, AAA; Gutzon Borglum, "Cecilia Beaux -- Painter of Heroes," The Delineator 98, no. 5 [June 1921]: 16; Gray, "The Extraordinary Career of Cecilia Beaux," p. 62).

 

76 Beaux diary, 1875, and account book, 1879 - 1884, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

77 Harris and Nochlin, Women Artists, p. 55.

 

78 Beaux, Background with Figures, p. 80.

 

79 Ibid., p. 83.

Notes to Chapter Four

1 Beaux, Background with Figures, pp. 87, 88.

 

2 Even though Beaux denied studying at the Academy in her autobiography, she was registered as a student there in 1876, 1877, and 1878. She primarily attended classes there in 1877. Student cards and student register, 1860 - 1884, Archives, PAFA; Beaux, Background with Figures, pp. 86 - 87.

 

3 Scharf and Westcott, History of Philadelphia, vol. 2, p. 1070; In This Academy: The Pennsylvania Academy of the Fine Arts, 1805 - 1976 (Philadelphia: PAFA, 1976), p. 52; Richard J. Boyle, "The Pennsylvania Academy of the Fine Arts: Its Founding and Early Years," Antiques 121, no. 3 (March 1982): 676.

 

4 In This Academy, pp. 61 - 62.

 

5 Ibid., pp. 62, 166, 168, 170; Huber, The Pennsylvania Academy and Its Women, p. 19.

 

6 In This Academy, pp. 66 - 69, 169.

 

7 For a full description of Thomas Eakins teaching at the Pennsylvania Academy, see Elizabeth Johns, "Thomas Eakins and 'Pure Art' Education," American Art Journal 23, no. 3 (1983): 2 - 5; and Louise Lippincott, "Thomas Eakins and the Academy," in In This Academy, pp. 162 - 87.

 

8 Beaux, Background with Figures, p. 87.

 

9 In 1877, probably as a student in the portrait class, Beaux produced a lithograph of the head of a young girl. The print is finely drawn and suggests a Pre-Raphaelite source. The work of Catharine Drinker is an obvious influence for this print.

 

In June 1878, Beaux and her friend Miss Furness insistently requested to "copy one head from the 'Siege of Leydon.'" Permission was granted with a shaky signature from the palsied Christian Schussele, much to the disgust of Mr. Corliss, who felt that Beaux and Furness were out of line in asking a favor of Schussele. Beaux Papers, Archives, PAFA.

 

10 Huber, The Pennsylvania Academy and Its Women, p. 21; In This Academy, p. 170.

 

11 In This Academy, p. 168.

 

12 William C. Brownell, "The Art Schools of Philadelphia," Scribner's Monthly 18, no. 5 (September 1879): 745.

 

13 Ibid., pp. 744 - 45.

 

14 Ibid., p. 745.

 

15 In This Academy, p. 178; Huber, The Pennsylvania Academy and Its Women, p. 21.

 

16 Huber, The Pennsylvania Academy and Its Women, p. 21.

 

17 Beaux, Background with Figures, p. 98.

 

18 Student register 1877, Archives, PAFA.

 

19 Beaux made the charcoal drawing on March 25, 1877. The Academy's cast was taken from an antique statue owned by the Vatican Museum. The cast was reproduced in an illustration of the "Antique Class" by Philip B. Hahs for Brownell's article for Scribner's Monthly. Cecilia Beaux: Portrait of an Artist (Philadelphia: PAFA, 1974), p. 45; Brownell, "The Art Schools of Philadelphia," p. 737.

 

20 Beaux, Background with Figures, pp. 96, 98.

 

21 Ibid., p. 97.

 

22 Ibid., p. 96.

 

23 Ibid.

 

24 The Bregler collection is now owned by the PAFA. It has been organized and documented in Kathleen A. Foster and Cheryl Leibold, Writing About Eakins (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press for PAFA, 1989).

 

25 Lloyd Goodrich, Thomas Eakins: His Life and Work (New York: Whitney Museum of American Art, 1933), p. 82.

 

26 Ibid.

 

27 Beaux, Background with Figures, p. 97.

 

28 The date of 1881 is established from William Sartain's unpublished autobiography. Ibid., p. 87; autobiography of William Sartain, roll P-14, frame 204, AAA.

 

29 DAB, vol. 8, p. 373; Autobiography of William Sartain, roll P-14, frame 204, AAA.

 

30 Sartain recalled meeting Germain's sister Rosa at the Bonheur household. He found her to be "very bossy" and mannish. To Sartain, Rosa "strikingly resembled Henry C. Carey, the political economist of Phila[delphia]." In describing her clothing and her personality, he noted that "below she wore skirts but her upper attire resembled that of a man," and that whenever her brother Germain "differed from her at any point she would tell him to go to bed." Sartain believed that Rosa's brother "Auguste was an artist superior to herself -- but overshadowed by her vogue" (Autobiography of William Sartain, roll P-14, frame 204, AAA).

 

31 The "orientalia" exemplified by William Sartain's work was not the Orient of China and Japan, but rather "the lands of North Africa and the Ottoman Empire, Turkey and Asia Minor, Egypt and Syria, including the Holy Land, Palestine and Lebanon." North Africa and the Near East constituted the non-Christian region closest to Europe and it exercised a fascination upon the West that was expressed through scholarship, literature, and the arts. Many artists, like Sartain, "found their work fundamentally influenced by the experience of at least one visit to the Near East." Not only European artists, but also a number of American artists, traveled to the Near East and North Africa. In the 1860s Samuel Colman went to Granada and painted Hill of the Alhambra, Granada. The painting encouraged such Colman students as Robert Swain Gifford and Louis Comfort Tiffany to undertake their own artistic pilgrimage to the area. Frederic Edwin Church, Sanford Robinson Gifford, Elihu Vedder, and John Singer Sargent also traveled and painted in the Near East and North Africa (MaryAnne Stevens, ed., The Orientalists: Delacroix to Matisse: The Allure of North Africa and the Near East [Washington, D.C.: National Gallery of Art, 1984], p. 15).

 

32 DAB, vol. 8, p. 373.

 

33 Autobiography of William Sartain, roll P-14, frame 204, AAA.

 

34 Ibid.

 

35 Ibid.

 

36 Sartain's autobiography states that the painting was exhibited in 1880, but the exhibition records at the Academy indicate that it was exhibited in 1879.

 

37 Autobiography of William Sartain, roll P-14, frame 204, AAA.

 

38 Beaux, Background with Figures, p. 88.

 

39 Ibid.

 

40 Gray, "The Extraordinary Career of Cecilia Beaux," p. 62.

 

41 Beaux, Background with Figures, pp. 88 - 89.

 

42 Ibid., p. 89.

 

43 Ibid., pp. 90, 94.

 

44 Autobiography of William Sartain, roll P-14, frame 204, AAA.

 

45 Beaux, Background with Figures, p. 88.

 

46 The six children of Henry Sturgis and Aimée Ernesta (Beaux) Drinker were: Henry Sandwith (September 15, 1880 - March 10, 1965); James Blathwaite (October 23, 1882 - 1965); Cecil Kent (March 17, 1887 - April 15, 1956); Ernesta (January 17, 1892 - November 2, 1981); Philip (December 12, 1894 - October 20, 1972); and Catherine Shober (January 1, 1897 - November 1, 1973).

 

47 Gopsill's Philadelphia City Directory for 1879, 1880, 1881 (Philadelphia: Caxton Press of Sherman & Co., [1879]) and (Philadelphia: James Gopsill, 1880, 1881).

 

48 Drinker, Autobiography of Henry Sturgis Drinker, pp. 19 - 28; Drinker, History of the Drinker Family, pp. 63 - 64.

 

49 Ibid., p. 92.

 

50 Ibid., pp. 92 - 93.

 

51 Cecilia Beaux: Portrait of an Artist, p. 22.

 

52 Beaux, Background with Figures, p. 91.

 

53 The Quest for Unity, pp. 86, 87.

 

54 Philadelphia Times, October 29, 1885, Beaux scrapbook, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

55 Autobiography of William Sartain, roll P-14, frame 204, AAA.

 

56 The Studio, April 25, 1885, Beaux scrapbook, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

57 The Pennsylvania Academy's Mary Smith Prize was an annual award, funded by Russell Smith. The prize was $100 to the painter of the best painting (not excluding portraits) in oil or watercolors; exhibited at the Academy, painted by a resident Philadelphia lady artist, for qualities ranking as follows: 1st Originality of subject; 2nd Beauty of design or drawing; 3rd Color and effect; and lastly, execution, to be awarded by the Exhibition Committee, the Academy to have no claim upon the painting, and the same lady not to receive the award more than twice in succession, and not more than five times in all. Statement about the Mary Smith Prize in the Frederick H. Clark Papers, roll 2707, AAA.

 

58 Russell Smith to Cecilia Beaux, December 7, 1885, Beaux scrapbook, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

59 The American, November 7, 1885, Philadelphia Evening Telegraph, October 30, 1885, and Philadelphia Sunday Press, November 8, 1885, Beaux scrapbook, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

60 Philadelphia Evening Telegraph, October 30, 1885, Beaux scrapbook, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

Notes to Chapter Five

1 Ellett discussed appropriate artistic subject matter for women in Women Artists in All Ages and Countries (1859), noting that "portraits, landscapes, flowers and pictures of animals are in favor among them." Quoted in Huber, The Pennsylvania Academy and Its Women, p. 13.

 

2 Smith, Art Education, pp. 28 - 30; Woody, A History of Women's Education in the United States, vol. 2, p. 76; Scharf and Westcott, History of Philadelphia, vol. 2, pp. 1699 - 1701.

 

3 Catharine A. Drinker to Colonel Etting, January 15, 1875, Etting Papers, Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania (hereafter cited as the Etting Papers).

 

4 Chris Petteys, Dictionary of Women Artists (Boston: G. K. Hall & Co., 1985), pp. 145 - 46; Philadelphia Evening Telegraph, March 18, 1887, Beaux scrapbook, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

5 Petteys, Dictionary of Women Artists, p. 201.

 

6 Ibid., p. 221.

 

7 Ibid., p. 624.

 

8 Ann Barton Brown, Alice Barber Stephens: A Pioneer Woman Illustrator (Chadds Ford, Pa.: Brandywine River Museum, 1984).

 

9 Ibid., p. 13.

 

10 Monroe H. Fabian, Mr. Sully, Portrait Painter (Washington, D.C.: NPG, Smithsonian Institution Press, 1983); and William H. Gerdts's essay in Michael Quick, American Portraiture in the Grand Manner, 1720 - 1920 (Los Angeles: Los Angeles County Museum of Art, 1981).

 

11 A group of paintings that show the stylistic developments in portraiture in Philadelphia throughout the nineteenth century are the excellent portraits collected at the College of Physicians of Philadelphia. Sully, Neagle, Merritt, and Waugh are represented there. See Julie S. Berkowitz, The College of Physicians of Philadelphia Portrait Catalogue (Philadelphia: College of Physicians, 1984).

 

12 Succinct and useful discussions of the characteristics of American portraiture in the nineteenth century is in Daniel M. Mendelowitz, History of American Art (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc., 1970), pp. 194 - 5.

 

13 The Paintings and Drawings of Cecilia Beaux, p. 83.

 

14 Beaux, Background with Figures, p. 94.

 

15 Beaux to Pauline Bowie, May 19, 1934; William H. Platt to Vidal Clay, April 6, 1983, Vidal Clay, Westport, Connecticut.

 

16 Beaux, Background with Figures, p. 90.

 

17 Philadelphia Press, January 13, 1886, and Philadelphia Times, March 10, 1887, Beaux scrapbook, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

18 Philadelphia Inquirer, March 10, 1887, Beaux scrapbook, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

19 Philadelphia Times, March 10, 1887, Beaux scrapbook, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

20 Philadelphia Press, March 10, 1887, Beaux scrapbook, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

21 Gray, "The Extraordinary Career of Cecilia Beaux," p. 62.

 

22 Beaux, Background with Figures, p. 87.

 

23 Philadelphia Inquirer, March 10, 1887, Beaux scrapbook, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

24 Philadelphia Times, March 20, 1887, and Philadelphia Evening Telegraph, March 18, 1887, Beaux scrapbook, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

25 Philadelphia Times, March 20, 1887, Beaux scrapbook, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

26 Ibid.

 

27 Ibid.

 

28 Interview with John L. Randall, Gladwyn, Pennsylvania, February 9, 1985.

 

29 Petteys, Dictionary of Women Artists, p. 221.

 

30 While Eakins taught many young women, he held conventional opinions regarding their artistic capabilities. Eakins expressed his views in September of 1886 in a letter to Edward Horner Coates, the Chairman on Instruction at the Pennsylvania Academy. "I do not believe that great painting or sculpture or surgery will ever be done by women, yet good enough work is continually done by them to be well worth their doing, and as the population increases, and marriages are later and fewer, the risks of losing fortunes greater; so increases the number of women who are or may be compelled at some time to support themselves, and figure painting is not now so dishonorable to them" (Foster and Leibold, Writing about Eakins, p. 236).

 

31 Huber, The Pennsylvania Academy and Its Women, p. 26.

 

32 Petteys, Dictionary of Women Artists, p. 234; "Les Paysages Bretons de Florence Este," Art et Décoration 34 (August 1913): 33 - 38.

 

33 Florence Este to Thornton Oakley, July 8, 1920, and December 13, 1922, Thornton Oakley Papers, Archives, Brandywine River Museum, Chadds Ford, Pennsylvania (hereafter cited as Thornton Oakley Papers).

 

34 The American, November 7, 1885, Beaux scrapbook, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

35 The American, March 19, 1887, Beaux scrapbook, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

36 The Studio, May 15, 1886, Beaux scrapbook, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

37 "At the Academy. Award of the Prizes at the Annual Exhibition," March 1887 newspaper clipping, Beaux scrapbook, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

38 Philadelphia Evening Telegraph, March 18, 1887, Beaux scrapbook, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

39 Philadelphia Evening Telegraph, February 22, 1886, Beaux scrapbook, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

40 Philadelphia Evening Telegraph, February 24, 1886, Beaux scrapbook, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

41 The Paintings and Drawings of Cecilia Beaux, p. 64.

 

42 Exhibited in 1881 at the Pennsylvania Academy's fifty-second Annual Exhibition. Exhibition Records, Archives, PAFA.

 

43 The Paintings and Drawings of Cecilia Beaux, pp. 28 - 29.

 

44 Philadelphia Evening Telegraph, June 22, 1886, Beaux scrapbook, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

45 Ibid.

 

46 Mr. Curtis to Cecilia Beaux, June 26, 1886, Beaux scrapbook, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

47 J. V. Sears to Cecilia Beaux, June 27, 1886, Beaux scrapbook, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

48 Scharf and Westcott, History of Philadelphia, 1609 - 1884, vol. 2, pp. 1405 - 6.

 

49 The American, June 19, 1886, Beaux scrapbook, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

50 The American, June 19, 1886, Beaux scrapbook, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

51 Newspaper clipping, "Portrait of Rev. Dr. Furness," Beaux scrapbook, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

52 J. V. Sears to Cecilia Beaux, June 27, 1886; card announcing an exhibition of the Furness portrait in Beaux's studio, and Philadelphia Evening Telegraph, June 22, 1886, Beaux scrapbook, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

53 Newspaper clipping, "Portrait of Rev. Dr. Furness," Beaux scrapbook, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

54 Philadelphia Evening Telegraph, December 28, 1887, Beaux scrapbook, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

55 Beaux, Background with Figures, pp. 98 - 99.

Notes to Chapter Six

1 Beaux to her family, January 1888, p. 15 of the letter, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

2 May Alcott Nieriker, Studying Art Abroad, And How to Do It Cheaply (Boston: Roberts Brothers, 1879), pp. 4 - 76.

 

3 Beaux to her family, [February - March 1888], Beaux Papers, AAA; Beaux, Background with Figures, p. 115.

 

4 For a discussion of the various Parisian ateliers open to women in the nineteenth century, see Lois Fink's essay in Burke, Elizabeth Nourse. See also Geraldine Rowland, "The Study of Art in Paris," Harper's Bazar 36, no. 9 (September 1902): 759; Clive Holland, "Lady Art Student's Life in Paris," International Studio 21, no. 83 (January 1904): 225 - 33; Christine Havice, "In a Class by Herself: 19th Century Images of the Woman Artist as Student," Woman's Art Journal 2, no. 1 (Spring - Summer 1981): 35 - 40; J. Diane Radycki, "The Life of Lady Art Students: Changing Art Education at the Turn of the Century," Art Journal 42, no. 1 (Spring 1982): 9 - 13; Clive Holland, "Student Life in the Quartier Latin, Paris," International Studio 18, no. 69 (November 1902): 33 - 40; Jo Ann Weir, "The Parisian Training of American Women Artists," Woman's Art Journal 2, no. 1 (Spring - Summer 1981): 41 - 44; Marie Adelaide Belloc, "Lady Artists in Paris," Murray's Magazine 8, no. 45 (September 1890): 371 - 84; Boston Art Students Association, The Art Student in Paris, 1887, roll N47, frames 2 - 28, New York Public Library Collection, AAA.

 

5 In these ateliers women paid higher fees than men and for half the instruction. Marie Belloc, with particular reference to Julian's, noted that the reason for this was that men were trained "gratuitously" at the École des Beaux Arts, and fees were kept low "to tempt them away from the Government schools." "Women," she noted, had "no choice" and had to "pay for tuition in any case." Women were also charged higher fees because it was believed that "many of the students [were] not studying professionally, and consequently instruction as a luxury [was] put at a higher price." Belloc, "Lady Artists in Paris," p. 377; Boston Art Students Association, The Art Student in Paris, p. 28.

 

6 Belloc, "Lady Artists in Paris," p. 374. For further information on the Académie Julian see The Julian Academy -- Paris 1868 - 1939, March 18 - May 13, 1989 (New York: Shepherd Gallery, 1989); Alphaeus P. Cole, "An Adolescent in Paris: The Adventures of Being an Art Student Abroad in the Late 19th Century," American Art Journal 8, no. 2 (November 1976): 11 - 15; Catherine Fehrer, "New Light on the Académie Julian and Its Founder (Rudolphe Julian)," Gazette des Beaux Arts ser. 6, no. 103 (May - June 1984): 207 - 16; William Rothenstein, Men and Memories, Recollections of William Rothenstein, 1872 - 1900, vol. 1 (New York: Coward-McCann, Inc., 1931), pp. 36 - 50; J. Sutherland, "An Art Student's Year in Paris," The Art Amateur 32, no. 6 (January 1895): 52.

 

7 Beaux to her family, February 2, 1888, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

8 Ibid.

 

9 Beaux to Etta Drinker, February 7, 1888, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

10 Beaux to Etta Drinker, March 18, 1888, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

11 Beaux to Grandma Leavitt, May 27, 1888, Beaux Papers, AAA; Fehrer, "New Light on the Academie Julian," p. 208.

 

12 Belloc, "Lady Artists in Paris," pp. 375 - 76.

 

13 Ibid.

 

14 Ibid., p. 375; Fehrer, "New Light on the Académie Julian," p. 208.

 

15 Belloc, "Lady Artists in Paris," pp. 374 - 75.

 

16 Beaux to her family, February 2, 1888, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

17 Edgar P. Richardson, Painting in America (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Co., 1956), p. 278.

 

18 Fehrer, "New Light on the Académie Julian," p. 213.

 

19 Beaux to Dear 4305, February 12, 1888, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

20 Beaux to [her family], Sunday [February - March 1888]; Cecilia Beaux to Grandma Leavitt, May 27, 1888, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

21 Joseph C. Sloane, French Painting between the Past and the Present: Artists, Critics, and Traditions from 1848 to 1870 (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1951), p. 122.

 

22 Beaux to [her family], Sunday [February - March 1888], Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

23 Ibid.

 

24 Ibid.

 

25 Ibid.

 

26 Ibid.

 

27 Ibid.

 

28 Beaux to Grandma Leavitt, [February - March, 1888], correspondence (1863 - 1968), undated letters arranged alphabetically by correspondent, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

29 Beaux to [her family], Sunday [February - March 1888], Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

30 Beaux to Grandma Leavitt, [February - March, 1888], correspondence (1863 - 1968), undated letters arranged alphabetically by correspondent, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

31 Ibid.

 

32 Ibid.

 

33 William Biddle to Cecilia Beaux, February 15, 1888, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

34 When Lasar was a student in Gérôme's studio, he invented a machine that measured angles. It was a simple rectangular frame with a plumb line attached in the center and it helped him to draw perfect angles. Lasar subsequently patented the machine, which was the first of several aids that he developed for the study of art (David Sellin, Americans in Brittany and Normandy, 1860 - 1910 [Phoenix, Ariz.: Phoenix Art Museum, 1982], pp. 48 - 51; Peter Hastings Falk, ed., Who Was Who in American Art [Madison, Conn.: Sound View Press, 1985], p. 359).

 

35 Charles Lasar, Practical Hints to Art Students (New York: Duffield & Company, 1910).

 

36 Beaux to her family, February 2, 1888, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

37 Beaux to "Beach Haven," [Summer 1888], correspondence (1863 - 1968), undated letters arranged alphabetically by correspondent, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

38 Beaux to Grandma Leavitt, [February - March, 1888], correspondence (1863 - 1968), undated letters arranged alphabetically by correspondent, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

39 Beaux to Eliza Leavitt, May 17, 1888, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

40 Benezit, Dictionnaire des Peintres, vol. 9, pp. 9 - 10; Vollmer, Thieme-Becker, vol. 28, p. 425.

 

41 Beaux to [her family], [February - March 1888], Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

42 Ibid.

 

43 Ibid.

 

44 Eliza Leavitt to Cecilia Beaux, March 19, 1888, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

45 Beaux to [her family], [February - March 1888], Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

46 Beaux to Etta Drinker, March 18, 1888, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

47 Beaux, Background with Figures, p. 122.

 

48 Beaux to Eliza Leavitt, Good Friday, 1888, Beaux Papers, AAA; Beaux, Background with Figures, p. 123.

 

49 Beaux to Eliza Leavitt, Good Friday, 1888, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

50 Beaux to Eliza Leavitt, April 12, 1888, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

51 Petteys, Dictionary of Women Artists, pp. 68, 400.

 

52 Beaux to Eliza Leavitt, April 12, 1888, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

53 Beaux to [her family], Friday [1888], letter labeled "This is incomplete," Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

54 Beaux to Eliza Leavitt, May 17, 1888, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

55 Beaux to Etta Drinker, February 7, 1888, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

56 Ibid.

 

57 Beaux to Grandma Leavitt, [February - March, 1888], correspondence (1863 - 1968), undated letters arranged alphabetically by correspondent, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

58 Beaux to Etta Drinker, March 18, [1888], Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

59 Ibid.

 

60 Beaux to Etta Drinker, June 10, 1888, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

61 Beaux to Grandma Leavitt, June 14, 1888, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

62 Beaux to Eliza Leavitt, May 17, 1888, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

63 Sellin, Americans in Brittany and Normandy, p. 9.

 

64 Ibid., pp. 43 - 44; Michael Jacobs, The Good and Simple Life: Artist Colonies in Europe and America (Oxford: Phaidon, 1985), pp. 42 - 87; Blanche Willis Howard, Quenn, A Wave on the Breton Coast (Boston: James R. Osgood and Company, 1883).

 

65 Beaux, Background with Figures, p. 140.

 

66 Beaux to Eliza Leavitt, May 17, 1888, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

67 Mrs. Conant made it possible for the four of them to live, board, and lodge in Concarneau for $3.50 a week. Beaux to William Biddle, September 30, 1888, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

68 Beaux to her family, July 2, [1888], correspondence (1863 - 1968), letters dated by day and month, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

69 Ibid.

 

70 Beaux to her family, July 18, [1888], correspondence (1863 - 1968), letters dated by day and month, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

71 Thornton Oakley, Lucy Scarborough Conant, February 1921, Thornton Oakley Papers.

 

72 Sellin, Americans in Brittany and Normandy, p. 43.

 

73 Beaux to her family, July 15, 1888; Beaux to her family, labeled circa 1889, [actually September 1888], Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

74 Beaux to her family, July 15, 1888; Beaux to her family, September 2, 1888; Beaux to William Biddle, September 9, and December 2, 1888, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

75 The artists celebrated the July 14 French Independence Day together. T. Alexander Harrison hosted a costume party in August, and Cecilia came as a tube of paint and May as her accompanying palette. There were dances at the Amsdens and Bishops, and at the end of the season, Cecilia and May gave a small dinner party, inviting T. Alexander Harrison, Arthur Hoeber, Benjamin Wright, and Lieutenant Radcliffe. Cecilia wrote a poem for each of her guests (Beaux to her family, July 15, 1888; Beaux to [her family], labeled circa 1889 [actually September 1888]; Beaux to her family, October 6, 1888, Beaux Papers, AAA; Elizabeth Graham Bailey, "The Cecilia Beaux Papers," Archives of American Art Journal 13, no. 4 [1973]: 16).

 

76 A substantial body of scholarship explains that the social and political conditions in France in the second half of the nineteenth century provided the impetus for artistic interest in the French peasant (Timothy J. Clark, Images of the People: Gustave Courbet and the Second French Republic, 1848 - 1851 [Greenwich, Conn.: New York Graphic Society Ltd., 1973]; Robert L. Herbert, "City vs. Country: The Rural Image in French Painting from Millet to Gauguin," Artforum 8 [1970]: 44 - 55; Linda Nochlin, Realism [New York: Penguin Books, 1971]; Gabriel P. Weisberg, The Realist Tradition: French Painting and Drawing, 1830 - 1900 [Cleveland: The Cleveland Museum of Art, 1980]).

 

77 Beaux to her family, July 15, 1888, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

78 Beaux to her family, September 24, 1888, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

79 Beaux to her family, [Summer 1888], Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

80 Beaux wrote to her family that Mrs. Conant had been "like a mother" to her and May, and she considered her portrait of the older woman as a gesture of affection and "a lasting...tribute of our gratitude." She noted that "[w]hen I have taken Mrs. Conant's portrait home and exhibited it, etc., I shall give it to her and it will be a reward" (Beaux to William Biddle, September 30, 1888; Beaux to her family, September 24, 1888, Beaux Papers, AAA).

 

81 Beaux to her family, [Summer 1888], Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

82 Beaux to William Biddle, September 30, 1888, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

83 In the spring of 1889, Harrison approached Beaux about exhibiting in the Exposition Universelle in Paris. She offered the portrait of Catherine Conant, and by the middle of April she had heard that it was "well received...and would be well hung" (Beaux to Eliza Leavitt, Sunday 14th [April 1889], Beaux Papers, AAA).

 

84 Beaux to her family, September 2, 1888, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

85 Beaux to [her family], labeled circa 1889 [actually September 1888], Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

86 Beaux to her family, September 24, 1888, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

87 Beaux, Background with Figures, p. 148.

 

88 Beaux to her family, February 2, 1888, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

89 Ibid.

 

90 Beaux to her family, July 15 and September 2, 1888, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

91 National Cyclopedia of American Biography, vol. 11 (New York: James T. White & Co., 1901), p. 300; DAB, vol. 4, pp. 347 - 48; Sellin, Americans in Brittany and Normandy, pp. 45 - 48; Charles Louis Borgmeyer, "Alexander Harrison," Fine Arts Journal 29, no. 3 (September 1913): 515 - 44; Frederick Campbell Moffatt, "The Breton Years of Arthur Wesley Dow," Archives of American Art Journal 15, no. 2 (1975): 2 - 8; Charles M. Kurtz, ed., Illustrated Catalogue of the Art Department of the Southern Exposition, Louisville, Ky., 1885. Including the Pictures in the American Art Association's Prize-Fund Exhibition, New York, 1885 (Louisville, Ky.: John M. Morton and Company, Printers [1885]), in the Pre-1877 Art Exhibition Catalogue Index, NMAA.

 

92 Sellin, Americans in Brittany and Normandy, p. 47.

 

93 Beaux to [her family], Sunday morning on the Breton coast [early summer 1888], correspondence (1863 - 1968), letters dated by day of week only, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

94 Beaux to William Biddle, July 29, 1888, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

95 Ibid.

 

96 Beaux to [her family], labeled circa 1889 [actually September 1888], Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

97 Beaux to William Biddle, September 9, 1888, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

98 Beaux to her family, September 2, 1888, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

99 Ibid.

 

100 Cecilia Beaux: Portrait of an Artist, pp. 64 - 65.

 

101 Beaux, Background with Figures, p. 148.

 

102 Beaux to her family, September 24, 1888, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

103 Beaux to William Biddle, August 10, 1888, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

104 Beaux to her family, September 24, 1888, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

105 Cecilia Beaux: Portrait of an Artist, n.p.

 

106 Beaux to William Biddle, August 10, 1888, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

107 Beaux to her family, September 2, 1888, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

108 Beaux to William Biddle, September 9, 1888, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

109 Beaux to Eliza Leavitt, November 14, 1888, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

110 Beaux to her family, September 15, [1888], correspondence (1863 - 1968), letters dated by day and month, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

111 Beaux to her family, September 24, [1888], correspondence (1863 - 1968), letters dated by day and month, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

112 Beaux to her family, September 15, and 24, [1888]; Beaux to William Biddle, September 9, 1888, correspondence (1863 - 1968), letters dated by day and month, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

113 Beaux to her family, September 15, [1888], correspondence (1863 - 1968), letters dated by day and month, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

114 Beaux to [her family], labeled circa 1889 [actually September 1888], Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

115 Beaux to William Biddle, September 30, 1888, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

116 May Whitlock to William Biddle, October 20, 1888; Beaux to "My Dearest Aunty," October 23, [1888]; Beaux to her family, November 3, [1888]; Beaux to Eliza Leavitt, November 14, [1888]; Beaux to her family, November 15, 1889 [actually 1888]; Beaux Papers, AAA; Beaux, Background with Figures, pp. 159, 167 - 68.

 

117 Beaux to "My Dearest Aunty," October 23, [1888], Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

118 Ibid.

 

119 Beaux to her family, November 3, [1888], Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

120 Ibid.

 

121 Beaux to Grandma Leavitt, Christmas 1888, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

122 Beaux to Grandma Leavitt, December 15, 1888, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

123 Beaux to Grandma Leavitt, Thanksgiving 1888, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

124 Ibid.

 

125 Beaux to Grandma Leavitt, December 15, 1889 [actually 1888], Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

126 Ibid.; Beaux to her family, February 11, 1889, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

127 Beaux to her family, Sunday, circa 1889 [actually February 1889], Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

128 Ibid.

 

129 Ibid.

 

130 The reference is to Les deniers jours d'enfance in the 1887 Salon (Beaux to Grandma Leavitt, Thanksgiving 1888, Beaux Papers, AAA).

 

131 Beaux to her family, January 20, 1889, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

132 Beaux to her family, February 11, 1889, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

133 Beaux to her family, February 17, 1889, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

134 Beaux to [her family], [February - March, 1889], incomplete letter, correspondence (1863 - 1968), undated letters arranged alphabetically by correspondent, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

135 Beaux to Jamie and Etta Drinker, March 14, 1889, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

136 Ibid.; Beaux to Eliza Leavitt, March 11, 1889, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

137 Beaux to Jamie and Etta Drinker, March 14, 1889, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

138 Beaux to Grandma Leavitt, March 21, 1889, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

139 Beaux to her family, March 28, 1889, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

140 Ibid.

 

141 Beaux to William Biddle, May 1, 1889, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

142 Beaux to William Biddle, May 6, 1889, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

143 Beaux to her family, February 11, 1889, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

144 Belloc, "Lady Artists in Paris," p. 378; Katherine de Forest, "Art Student Life in Paris," Harper's Bazar 33, no. 27 (July 7, 1900): 631; Holland, "Student Life in the Quartier Latin, Paris," p. 38.

 

145 John Denison Champlin, Jr., ed., Cyclopedia of Painters and Painting, vol. 1 (New York: Empire State Book Co., 1927), p. 342.

 

146 For further information on Dagnan-Bouveret see Arsène Alexandre, "P. A. J. Dagnan-Bouveret," Les Lettres et Les Arts, 4, no. 4 (December 1889): 382 - 401; Charles Louis Borgmeyer, "The Luxembourg Museum and Its Treasures," Fine Arts Journal 36, no. 2 (February 1918): 3 - 33 (Dagnan-Bouveret discussed on pp. 31 - 33); William A. Coffin, "Dagnan-Bouveret," Century Magazine 48 (May 1894): 4 - 15; Bojidar Karageorgevitch, "Dagnan-Bouveret," The Magazine of Art 17, no. 2 (February 1893): 121 - 24; George Iafenestre, "L'esposition d'etudes, dessins et pastels de M. Dagnan-Bouveret," Gazette des Beaux Arts 4, no. 6 (June 1909): 465 - 80; "Les 'Bretonnes au Pardon' de M. Dagnan-Bouveret," Revue de l'Art Ancien et Moderne 39 (March 1921): 191 - 95; Gabriel Weisberg, "P. A. J. Dagnan-Bouveret and the Illusion of Photographic Naturalism," Arts Magazine 56, no. 1 (March 1982): 100 - 105; Gabriel Weisberg, "Vestiges of the Past: The Brittany 'Pardons' of Late Nineteenth-Century French Painters," Arts Magazine 55, no. 2 (November 1980): 134 - 38.

 

147 Beaux to her family, February 17, 1889, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

148 Ibid.

 

149 Coffin, "Dagnan-Bouveret," pp. 4, 9 - 10.

 

150 Beaux to Eliza Leavitt, February 24, 1889, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

151 Ibid.

 

152 Beaux to Grandma Leavitt, March 21, 1889, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

153 Benezit, Dictionnaire des Peintres, vol. 3, p. 142; Vollmer, Thieme-Becker, vol. 7, pp. 323 - 24.

 

154 Beaux to Grandma Leavitt, March 21, 1889; Beaux to William Biddle, April 8, 1889, Beaux to Eliza Leavitt, Sunday 14th [April 1889], Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

155 Beaux to Grandma Leavitt, Easter Sunday, 1889, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

156 Beaux to Emily Biddle, March 27, 1889, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

157 Beaux to William Biddle, April 8, 1889, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

158 Beaux to Eliza Leavitt, Sunday 14th [April 1889], Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

159 Beaux to her family, February 11, 1889, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

160 Ibid.

 

161 Gwen Raverat, Period Piece: A Cambridge Childhood (London: Faber and Faber, Ltd., [1952]), pp. 19 - 20; Margaret Keynes, A House by the River: Newnham Grange to Darwin College (Cambridge, England: privately printed, 1984), pp. 40 - 43.

 

162 Beaux to May Whitlock, [May 21, 1889], Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

163 Ibid.; Beaux to [May Whitlock], May 23, 1889, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

164 Beaux to her family, Monday, June 1889, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

165 Ibid.; Beaux to Etta Drinker, July 1, 1889; Beaux to her family, [July - August, 1889], correspondence (1863 - 1968), undated letters arranged alphabetically by correspondent, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

166 Beaux to Etta Drinker, July 1, 1889, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

167 Beaux to Grandma Leavitt, July 22, 1889, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

168 Beaux to Eliza Leavitt, July 8, 1889, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

169 Beaux to her family, July 15, 1889, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

170 Beaux to Grandma Leavitt, July 22, 1889, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

171 Raverat, Period Piece, p. 37.

 

172 Beaux to Grandma Leavitt, July 22, 1889, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

173 Beaux to William Biddle, July 14, 1889, Beaux Papers, AAA.

 

174 Beaux to Grandma Leavitt, August 13, 1889, correspondence (1863 - 1968), undated letters, arranged alphabetically by correspondent, Beaux Papers, AAA.

Go to continuation of notes for chapters 7 through 15

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Title page

Acknowledgments

Preface

Part I

Part II

Part III

Part IV

Part V

Illustrations with Captions

End Notes

Bibliography

 

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